Sacred Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith
August 6, 1984
INTRODUCTION
The Gospel of Jesus Christ is a message of freedom and a force for liberation. In recent years, this essential truth has become the object of reflection for theologians, with a new kind of attention which is itself full of promise.
Liberation is first and foremost liberation from the radical slavery of sin. Its end and its goal is the freedom of the children of God, which is the gift of grace. As a logical consequence, it calls for freedom from many different kinds of slavery in the cultural, economic, social, and political spheres, all of which derive ultimately from sin, and so often prevent people from living in a manner befitting their dignity. To discern clearly what is fundamental to this issue and what is a by-product of it, is an indispensable condition for any theological reflection on liberation.
Faced with the urgency of certain problems, some are tempted to emphasize, unilaterally, the liberation from servitude of an earthly and temporal kind. They do so in such a way that they seem to put liberation from sin in second place, and so fail to give it the primary importance it is due. Thus, their very presentation of the problems is confused and ambiguous. Others, in an effort to learn more precisely what are the causes of the slavery which they want to end, make use of different concepts without sufficient critical caution. It is difficult, and perhaps impossible, to purify these borrowed concepts of an ideological inspiration which is compatible with Christian faith and the ethical requirements which flow from it.
The present Instruction has a much more limited and precise purpose: to draw the attention of pastors, theologians, and all the faithful to the deviations, and risks of deviation, damaging to the faith and to Christian living, that are brought about by certain forms of liberation theology which use, in an insufficiently critical manner, concepts borrowed from various currents of Marxist thought.
This warning should in no way be interpreted as a disavowal of all those who want to respond generously and with an authentic evangelical spirit to the "preferential option for the poor." It should not at all serve as an excuse for those who maintain the attitude of neutrality and indifference in the face of the tragic and pressing problems of human misery and injustice. It is, on the contrary, dictated by the certitude that the serious ideological deviations which it points out tends inevitably to betray the cause of the poor. More than ever, it is important that numerous Christians, whose faith is clear and who are committed to live the Christian life in its fullness, become involved in the struggle for justice, freedom, and human dignity because of their love for their disinherited, oppressed, and persecuted brothers and sisters. More than ever, the Church intends to condemn abuses, injustices, and attacks against freedom, wherever they occur and whoever commits them. She intends to struggle, by her own means, for the defense and advancement of the rights of mankind, especially of the poor.
I. AN INSPIRATION
1. The powerful and almost irresistible aspiration that people
have for liberation constitutes one of the principal 2. This yearning shows the authentic, if obscure, perception of
the dignity of the human person, created "in the image and
likeness of God" Genesis 1:26-27, ridiculed and scorned in the
midst of a variety of different oppressions: cultural,
political, racial, social, and economic, often in conjunction
with one another.
3. In revealing to them their vocation as children of God, the
Gospel has elicited in the hearts of mankind a demand and a
positive will for a peaceful and just fraternal life in which
everyone will find respect and the conditions for spiritual as
well as material development. This requirement is no doubt at
the very basis of the aspiration we are talking about here.
4. Consequently mankind will no longer passively submit to
crushing poverty with its effects of death, disease, and decline.
He resents this misery as an intolerable violation of his native
dignity. Many factors, and among them certainly the leaven of
the Gospel, have contributed to an awakening of the consciousness
of the oppressed.
5. It is widely known, even in still illiterate sections of the
world, that, thanks to the amazing advances in science and
technology, mankind, still growing in numbers, is capable of
assuring each human being the minimum of goods required by his
dignity as a person.
6. The scandal of the shocking inequality between the rich and
poor -- whether between rich and poor countries, or between
social classes in a single nation -- is no longer tolerated. On
one hand, people have attained an unheard of abundance which is
given to waste, while on the other hand so many live in such
poverty, deprived of the basic necessities, that one is hardly
able even to count the victims of malnutrition.
7. The lack of equity and of a sense of solidarity in
international transactions works to the advantage of the
industrialized nations so that the gulf between the rich and the
poor is ever widening. Hence derives the feeling of frustration
among third world countries, and the accusations of exploitation
and economic colonialism brought against the industrialized
nations.
8. The memory of crimes of a certain type of colonialism and of
its effects often aggravates these injuries and wounds.
9. The Apostolic See, in accord with the Second Vatican Council,
and together with the Episcopal Conferences, has not ceased to
denounce the scandal involved in the gigantic arms race which, in
addition to the threat which it poses to peace, squanders amounts
of money so large that even a fraction of it would be sufficient
to respond to the needs of those people who want for the basic
essentials of life.
II. EXPRESSIONS OF THIS ASPIRATION 1. The yearning for justice and for the effective recognition of
the dignity of every human being needs, like every deep
aspiration, to be clarified and guided.
2. In effect, a discernment process is necessary which takes
into account both the theoretical and the practical
manifestations of this aspiration. For there are many
political and social movements which present themselves as
authentic spokesmen for the aspirations of the poor, and claim to
be able, though by recourse to violent means, to bring about the
radical changes which will put an end to the oppression and
misery of people.
3. So the aspiration for justice often finds itself the captive
of ideologies which hide or pervert its meaning, and which
propose to people struggling for their liberation goals which are
contrary to the true purpose of human life. They propose ways of
action which imply the systematic recourse to violence, contrary
to any ethic which is respectful of persons.
4. The interpretation of the signs of the times in the light of
the Gospel requires, then, that we examine the meaning of this
deep yearning of people for justice, but also that we study with
critical discernment the theoretical and practical expressions
which this aspiration has taken on.
III. LIBERATION, A CHRISTIAN THEME 1. Taken by itself, the desire for liberation finds a strong and
fraternal echo in the heart and spirit of Christians.
2. Thus, in accord with this aspiration, the theological and
pastoral movement known as "Liberation Theology" was born, first
in the countries of Latin America which are marked by the
religious and cultural heritage of Christianity, and then in
other countries of the third world, as well as in certain circles
in the industrialized countries.
3. The expression, "Theology of Liberation" refers first of all
to a special concern for the poor and the victims of oppression,
which in turn begets a commitment to justice. Starting with this
approach, we can distinguish several, often contradictory ways of
understanding the Christian meaning of poverty and the type of
commitment to justice which it requires. As with all movements
of ideas, the "theologies of liberation" present diverse
theological positions. Their doctrinal frontiers are badly
defined.
4. The aspiration for liberation, as the term itself suggests,
repeats a theme which is fundamental to the Old and New
Testaments. In itself, the expression "theology of liberation"
is a thoroughly valid term: it designates a theological
reflection centered on the biblical theme of liberation and
freedom, and on the urgency of its practical realization.
The meeting, then of the aspiration for liberation and the
theologies of liberation is not one of mere chance. The
significance of the encounter between the two can be understood
only in light of the specific message of Revelation,
authentically interpreted by the Magisterium of the Church. [2]
IV. BIBLICAL FOUNDATIONS 1. Thus, a theology of liberation correctly understood
constitutes an invitation to theologians to deepen certain
essential biblical themes with a concern for the grave and urgent
questions which the contemporary yearning for liberation, and
those movements which more or less faithfully echo it, pose for
the Church. We dare not forget for a single instant the
situations of acute distress which issue such a dramatic call to
theologians.
2. The radical experience of Christian liberty [3] is our
first point of reference. Christ, our Liberator, has freed us
from sin and from slavery to the Law and to the flesh, which is
the mark of the condition of sinful mankind. Thus it is the new
life of grace, fruit of justification, which makes us free. This
means that the most radical form of slavery is slavery to sin.
Other forms of slavery find their deepest root in slavery to sin.
That is why freedom in the full Christian sense, characterized by
the life in the Spirit, cannot be confused with a license to give
in to the desires of the flesh. Freedom is a new life in love.
3. The "theologies of liberation" make wide use of readings from
the book of Exodus. The exodus, in fact, is the fundamental
event in the formation of the chosen people. It represents
freedom from foreign domination and from slavery. One will note
that the specific significance of the event comes from its
purpose, for this liberation is ordered to the foundation of the
people of God and the Covenant cult celebrated on Mt. Sinai. [4]
That is why the liberation of the Exodus cannot be reduced to a
liberation which is principally or exclusively political in
nature. Moreover, it is significant that the term freedom is
often replaced in Scripture by the very closely related term,
redemption.
4. The foundational episode of the Exodus will never be
effaced from the memory of Israel. Reference is made to it when,
after the destruction of Jerusalem and the exile to Babylon, the
Jewish people lived in the hope of a new liberation and, beyond
that, awaited a definitive liberation. In this experience God is
recognized as the Liberator. He will enter into a new Covenant
with His people. It will be marked by the gift of His Spirit and
the conversion of hearts. [5]
5. The anxieties and multiple sufferings sustained by those who
are faithful to the God of the Covenant provide the theme of
several Psalms; laments, appeals for help and thanksgivings all
make mention mention of religious salvation and liberation. In
this context, suffering is not purely and simply equated with the
social condition of poverty or with the condition of the one who
is undergoing political oppression. It also includes the
hostility of one's enemies, injustice, failure, and death. The
Psalms call us back to an essential religious experience: it is
from God alone that one can expect salvation and healing. God,
and not man, has the power to change the situations of suffering.
Thus the "poor of the Lord" live in a total and confident
reliance upon the loving providence of God. [6] Moreover,
throughout the whole crossing of the desert, the Lord did not
fail to provide for the spiritual liberation and purification of
the people.
6. In the Old Testament, the prophets after Amos keep affirming
with particular vigor the requirements of justice and solidarity
and the need to pronounce a very severe judgment on the rich who
oppress the poor. They come to the defense of the widow and the
orphan. They threaten the powerful: the accumulation of evils
can only lead to terrible punishments.
Faithfulness to the Covenant cannot be conceived of without
the practice of justice. Justice as regards God and justice as
regards mankind are inseparable. God is the defender and the
liberator of the poor.
7. These requirements are found once again in the New Testament.
They are even more radicalized as can be shown in the discourse
on the Beatitudes. Conversion and renewal have to occur in the
depths of the heart.
8. Already proclaimed in the Old Testament, the commandment of
fraternal love extended to all mankind thus provides the supreme
rule of social life. [7] There are no discriminations or
limitations which can counter the recognition of everyone as
neighbor. [8]
9. Poverty for the sake of the kingdom is praised. And in the
figure of the poor, we are led to recognize the mysterious
presence of the Son of Man who became poor himself for the love
of us. [9] This is the foundation of the inexhaustible words of
Jesus on the judgment in Matthew 25:31-46. Our Lord is one
with all in distress; every distress is marked by his presence.
10. At the same time, the requirements of justice and mercy,
already proclaimed in the Old Testament, are deepened to assume a
new significance in the New Testament. Those who suffer or who
are persecuted are identified with Christ. [10] The perfection
that Jesus demands of His disciples Matthew 5:18 consists in
the obligation to be merciful "as your heavenly Father is
merciful". Luke 6:36
11. It is in the light of the Christian vocation to fraternal
love and mercy that the rich are severely reminded of their duty.
[11] St. Paul, faced with the disorders of the Church of
Corinth, forcefully emphasizes the bond which exists between
participation in the sacrament of love and sharing with the
brother in need. [12]
12. New Testament revelation teaches us that sin is the greatest
evil, since it strikes man in the heart of his personality. The
first liberation, to which all others must make reference, is
that from sin.
13. Unquestionably, it is to stress the radical character of the
deliverance brought by Christ and offered to all, be they
politically free or slaves, that the New Testament does not
require some change in the political or social condition as a
prerequisite for entrance into this freedom. However, the
Letter to Philemon shows that the new freedom procured by the
grace of Christ should necessarily have effects on the social level.
14. Consequently, the full ambit of sin, whose first effect is to
introduce disorder into the relationship between God and man,
cannot be restricted to "social sin." The truth is that only a
correct doctrine of sin will permit us to insist on the gravity
of its social effects.
15. Nor can one localize evil principally or uniquely in bad
social, political, or economic "structures" as though all other
evils came from them so that the creation of the "new man" would
depend on the establishment of different economic and socio-
political structures. To be sure, there are structures which are
evil and which cause evil and which we must have the courage to
change. Structures, whether they are good or bad, are the result
of man's actions and so are consequences more than causes. The
root of evil, then, lies in free and responsible persons who have
to be converted by the grace of Jesus Christ in order to live and
act as new creatures in the love of neighbor and in the effective
search for justice, self-control, and the exercise of virtue. [13]
To demand first of all a radical revolution in social
relations and then to criticize the search for personal
perfection is to set out on a road which leads to the denial of
the meaning of the person and his transcendence, and to destroy
ethics and its foundation which is the absolute character of the
distinction between good and evil. Moreover, since charity is
the principle of authentic perfection, that perfection cannot be
conceived without an openness to others and a spirit of service.
V. THE VOICE OF THE MAGISTERIUM 1. In order to answer the challenge leveled at our times by
oppression and hunger, the Church's Magisterium has frequently
expressed her desire to awaken Christian consciences to a sense
of justice, social responsibility, and solidarity with the poor
and the oppressed, and to highlight the present urgency of the
doctrine and imperatives contained in Revelation.
2. We would like to mention some of these interventions here:
the papal documents "Mater et Magistra", "Pacem in Terris",
"Populorum progressio", and "Evangelii nuntiandi". We should
likewise mention the letter to Cardinal Roy, "Octogesima
adveniens".
3. The Second Vatican Council in turn confronted the questions
of justice and liberty in the Pastoral Constitution, "Gaudium et
Spes".
4. On a number of occasions, the Holy Father has emphasized these
themes, in particular in the encyclicals "Redemptor hominis",
"Dives in misericordia", and "Laborem exercens". These numerous
addresses recall the doctrine of the rights of man and touch
directly on the problems of the liberation of the human person in
the face of the diverse kinds of oppression of which he is the
victim. It is especially important to mention in this connection
the Address given before the 26th General Assembly of the United
Nations in New York, October 2, 1979. [14] On January 28 of
that same year, while opening the Third Conference of CELAM in
Puebla, John Paul II affirmed that the complete truth about man
is the basis for any real liberation. [15] This text is a
document which bears directly upon the theology of liberation.
5. Twice the Synod of Bishops treated subjects which are
directly related to a Christian conception of liberation: in
1971, justice in the world, and in 1974, the relationship between
freedom from oppression and full freedom, or the salvation of
mankind. The work of the Synods of 1971 and 1974 led Paul VI in
his Apostolic Constitution "Evangelii nuntiandi" to clarify the
connection between evangelization and human liberation of
advancement. [16]
6. The concern for the Church for liberation and for human
advancement was also expressed in the establishment of the
Pontifical Commission, Justice and Peace.
7. Numerous national Episcopal Conferences have joined the Holy
See in recalling the urgency of authentic human liberation and
the routes by which to achieve it. In this context, special
mention should be made of the documents of the General
Conferences of the Latin American episcopate at Medellin in 1968
and at Puebla in 1979.
Paul VI was present at the Medellin Conference and John
Paul II was at Puebla. Both dealt with the themes of conversion
and liberation.
8. Following Paul VI, who had insisted on the distinctive
character of the Gospel message, [17] a character which is of
divine origin, John Paul II, in his address at Puebla, recalled
the three pillars upon which any authentic theology of liberation
will rest: truth about Jesus Christ, VI. A NEW INTERPRETATION OF CHRISTIANITY 1. It is impossible to overlook the immense amount of selfless
work done by Christians, pastors, priests, religious or
lay persons, who, driven by a love for their brothers and sisters
living in inhuman conditions, have endeavored to bring help and
comfort to countless people in the distress brought about by
poverty. Among these, some have tried to find the most effective
means to put a quick end to the intolerable situation.
2. The zeal and the compassion which should dwell in the hearts
of all pastors nevertheless run the risk of being led astray and
diverted to works which are just as damaging to man and his
dignity as is the poverty which is being fought, if one is not
sufficiently attentive to certain temptations.
3. The feeling of anguish at the urgency of the problems cannot
make us lose sight of what is essential nor forget the reply of
Jesus to the Tempter: "It is not on bread alone that man lives,
but on every word that comes from the mouth of God" (Matthew
4:4; cf. Deuteronomy 8:3).
Faced with the urgency of sharing bread, some are tempted to
put evangelization into parentheses, as it were, and postpone it
until tomorrow: first the bread, then the Word of the Lord. It
is a fatal error to separate these two and even worse to oppose
the one to the other. In fact, the Christian perspective
naturally shows they have a great deal to do with one another.
[19]
4. To some it even seems that the necessary struggle for human
justice and freedom in the economic and political sense
constitutes the whole essence of salvation. For them, the Gospel
is reduced to a purely earthly gospel.
5. The different theologies of liberation are situated between
the preferential option for the poor, forcefully reaffirmed
without ambiguity after Medellin at the Conference of Puebla
[19] on the one hand, and the temptation to reduce the Gospel to
an earthly gospel on the other.
6. We should recall that the preferential option described at
Puebla is two-fold: for the poor and 7. We noted above (cf. 3) that an authentic theology of
liberation will be one which is rooted in the Word of God,
correctly interpreted.
8. But from a descriptive standpoint, it helps to speak of
theologies of liberation, since the expression embraces a
number of theological positions, or even sometimes ideological
ones, which are not simply different but more often incompatible
with one another.
9. In this present document, we will only be discussing
developments of that current of thought which, under the name
"theology of liberation", proposes a novel interpretation of both
the content of faith and of Christian existence which seriously
departs from the faith of the Church and, in fact, actually
constitutes a practical negation.
10. Concepts uncritically borrowed from Marxist ideology and
recourse to theses of a biblical hermeneutic marked by
rationalism are at the basis of the new interpretation which is
corrupting whatever was authentic in the generous initial
commitment on behalf of the poor.
VII. MARXIST ANALYSIS 1. Impatience and a desire for results has led certain
Christians, despairing of every other method, to turn to what
they call "marxist analysis."
2. Their reasoning is this: an intolerable and explosive
situation requires effective action which cannot be put off.
Effective action presupposes a scientific analysis of the
structural causes of poverty. Marxism now provides us with the
means to make such an analysis, they say. Then one simply has to
apply the analysis to the third-world situation, especially in
Latin America.
3. It is clear that scientific knowledge of the situation and of
the possible strategies for the transformation of society is a
presupposition for any plan capable of attaining the ends
proposed. It is also a proof of the seriousness of the effort.
4. But the term "scientific" exerts an almost mythical
fascination even though everything called "scientific" is not
necessarily scientific at all. That is why the borrowing of a
method of approach to reality should be preceded by a careful
epistemological critique. This preliminary critical study is
missing from more than one "theology of liberation."
5. In the human and social sciences it is well to be aware above
all of the plurality of methods and viewpoints, each of which
reveals only one aspect of reality which is so complex that it
defies simple and univocal explanation.
6. In the case of Marxism, in the particular sense given to it
in this context, a preliminary critique is all the more necessary
since the thought of Marx is such a global vision of reality that
all data received form observation and analysis are brought
together in a philosophical and ideological structure, which
predetermines the significance and importance to be attached to
them. The ideological principles come prior to the study of the
social reality and are presupposed in it. Thus no separation of
the parts of this epistemologically unique complex is possible.
If one tries to take only one part, say, the analysis, one ends
up having to accept the entire ideology. That is why it is not
uncommon for the ideological aspects to be predominant among the
things which the "theologians of liberation" borrow from Marxist
authors.
7. The warning of Paul VI remains fully valid today: Marxism as
it is actually lived out poses many distinct aspects and
questions for Christians to reflect upon and act on. However, it
would be "illusory and dangerous to ignore the intimate bond
which radically unites them, and to accept elements of the
Marxist analysis without recognizing its connections with the
ideology, or to enter into the practice of class-struggle and of
its Marxist interpretation while failing to see the kind of
totalitarian society to which this process slowly leads." [22]
8. It is true that Marxist thought ever since its origins, and
even more so lately, has become divided and has given birth to
various currents which diverge significantly from each other. To
the extent that they remain fully Marxist, these currents
continue to be based on certain fundamental tenets which are not
compatible with the Christian conception of humanity and society.
In this context, certain formulas are not neutral, but keep the
meaning they had in the original Marxist doctrine. This is the
case with the "class-struggle." This expression remains pregnant
with the interpretation that Marx gave it, so it cannot be taken
as the equivalent of "severe social conflict", in an empirical
sense. Those who use similar formulas, while claiming to keep
only certain elements of the Marxist analysis and yet to reject
the analysis taken as a whole, maintain at the very least a
serious confusion in the minds of their readers.
9. Let us recall the fact that atheism and the denial of the
human person, his liberty and rights, are at the core of the
Marxist theory. This theory, then, contains errors which
directly threaten the truths of the faith regarding the eternal
destiny of individual persons. Moreover, to attempt to integrate
into theology an analysis whose criterion of interpretation
depends on this atheistic conception is to involve oneself in
terrible contradictions. What is more, this misunderstanding of
the spiritual nature of the person leads to a total subordination
of the person to the collectivity, and thus to the denial of the
principles of a social and political life which is in keeping
with human dignity.
10. A critical examination of the analytical methods borrowed
from other disciplines must be carried out in a special way by
theologians. It is the light of faith which provides theology
with its principles. That is why the use of philosophical
positions or of human sciences by the theologian has a value
which might be called instrumental, but yet must undergo a
critical study from a theological perspective. In other words,
the ultimate and decisive criterion for truth can only be a
criterion which is itself theological. It is only in the light
of faith, and what faith teaches us about the truth of man and
the ultimate meaning of his destiny, that one can judge the
validity or degree of validity of what other disciplines propose,
often rather conjecturally, as being the truth about man, his
history and destiny.
11. When modes of interpretation are applied to the economic,
social, and political reality of today, which are themselves
borrowed from Marxist thought, they can give the initial
impression of a certain plausibility, to the degree that the
present-day situation in certain countries is similar to what
Marx described and interpreted in the middle of the last century.
On the basis of these similarities, certain simplifications are
made which, abstracting from specific essential factors, prevent
any really rigorous examination of the causes of poverty and
prolong the confusion.
12. In certain parts of Latin America, the seizure of the vast
majority of the wealth by an oligarchy of owners bereft of social
consciousness, the practical absence or the shortcomings of a
rule of law, military dictators making a mockery of elementary
human rights, the corruption of certain powerful officials, the
savage practices of some foreign capital interests constitute
factors which nourish a passion for revolt among those who thus
consider themselves the powerless victims of a new colonialism in
the technological, financial, monetary, or economic order. The
recognition of injustice is accompanied by a pathos which borrows
its language from Marxism, wrongly presented as though it were
scientific language.
13. The first condition for any analysis is a total openness to
the reality to be described. That is why a critical
consciousness has to accompany the use of any working hypotheses
that are being adopted. One has to realize that these hypotheses
correspond to a particular viewpoint which will inevitably
highlight certain aspects of the reality while leaving others in
the shade. This limitation which derives from the nature of
human science is ignored by those who, under the guise of
hypotheses recognized as such, have recourse to such an all-
embracing conception of reality as the thought of Karl Marx.
VIII. SUBVERSION OF THE MEANING OF TRUTH AND VIOLENCE 1. This all-embracing conception thus imposes its logic and
leads the "theologies of liberation" to accept a series of
positions which are incompatible with the Christian vision of
humanity. In fact, the ideological core borrowed from Marxism,
which we are referring to, exercises the function of a
determining principle. It has this role in virtue of its being
described as "scientific", that is to say, true of necessity.
In this core, we can distinguish several components.
2. According to the logic of Marxist thought, the "analysis" is
inseparable from the praxis, and from the conception of history
to which this praxis is linked. The analysis is for the
Marxist an instrument of criticism, and criticism is only one
stage in the revolutionary struggle. This struggle is that of
the proletarian class, invested with its mission in history.
3. Consequently, for the Marxist, only those who engage in the
struggle can work out the analysis correctly.
4. The only true consciousness, then, is the partisan
consciousness.
It is clear that the concept of truth itself is in question
here, and it is totally subverted: there is no truth, they
pretend, except in and through the partisan praxis.
5. For the Marxist, the praxis, and the truth that comes from
it, are partisan praxis and truth because the fundamental
structure of history is characterized by class-struggle. There
follows, then, the objective necessity to enter into the class
struggle, which is the dialectical opposite of the relationship
of exploitation, which is being condemned. For the Marxist, the
truth is a truth of class: there is no truth but the truth in
the struggle of the revolutionary class.
6. The fundamental law of history, which is the law of class
struggle, implies that society is founded on violence. To the
violence which constitutes the relationship of the domination of
the rich over the poor, there corresponds the counter-violence of
the revolution, by means of which this domination will be
reversed.
7. The class struggle is presented as an objective, necessary
law. Upon entering this process on behalf of the oppressed, one
"makes" truth, one acts "scientifically". Consequently, the
conception of the truth goes hand in hand with the affirmation of
necessary violence, and so, of a political amorality. Within
this perspective, any reference to ethical requirements calling
for courageous and radical institutional and structural reforms
makes no sense.
8. The fundamental law of class struggle has a global and
universal character. It is reflected in all the spheres of
existence: religious, ethical, cultural, and institutional. As
far as this law is concerned, none of these spheres is
autonomous. In each of them this law constitutes the determining element.
9. In particular, the very nature of ethics is radically called
into question because of the borrowing of these theses from
Marxism. In fact, it is the transcendent character of the
distinction between good and evil, the principle of morality,
which is implicitly denied in the perspective of the class struggle.
IX. THE THEOLOGICAL APPLICATION OF THIS CORE 1. The positions here in question are often brought out
explicitly in certain of the writings of "theologians of
liberation." In others, they follow logically from their
premises. In addition, they are presupposed in certain
liturgical practices, as for example a "Eucharist" transformed
into a celebration of the people in struggle, even though the
persons who participate in these practices may not be fully
conscious of it. We are facing, therefore, a real system, even
if some hesitate to follow the logic to its conclusion. As such,
this system is a perversion of the Christian message as God
entrusted it to His Church. This message in its entirety finds
itself then called into question by the "theologies of liberation."
2. It is not the fact of social stratification with all its
inequity and injustice, but the theory of class struggle as the
fundamental law of history which has been accepted by these
"theologies of liberation" as a principle. The conclusion is
drawn that the class struggle thus understood divides the Church
herself, and that in light of this struggle even ecclesial
realities must be judged.
The claim is even made that it would be maintaining an
illusion with bad faith to propose that love in its universality
can conquer what is the primary structural law of capitalism.
3. According to this conception, the class struggle is the
driving force of history. History thus becomes a central notion.
It will be affirmed that God Himself makes history. It will be
added that there is only one history, one in which the
distinction between the history of salvation and profane history
is no longer necessary. To maintain the distinction would be to
fall into "dualism". Affirmations such as this reflect
historicist immanentism. Thus there is a tendency to identify
the kingdom of God and its growth with the human liberation
movement, and to make history itself the subject of its own
development, as a process of the self-redemption of man by means
of the class struggle.
This identification is in opposition to the faith of the
Church as it has been reaffirmed by the Second Vatican Council. [23]
4. Along these lines, some go so far as to identify God Himself
with history and to define faith as "fidelity to history", which
means adhering to a political policy which is suited to the
growth of humanity, conceived as a purely temporal messianism.
5. As a consequence, faith, hope, and charity are given a new
content: they become "fidelity to history", "confidence in the
future", and "option for the poor." This is tantamount to saying
they have been emptied of their theological reality.
6. A radical politicization of faith's affirmations and of
theological judgments follows inevitably from this new
conception. The question no longer has to do with simply drawing
attention to the consequences and political implications of the
truths of faith, which are respected beforehand for their
transcendent value. In this new system, every affirmation of
faith or of theology is subordinated to a political criterion,
which in turn depends on the class struggle, the driving force of
history.
7. As a result, participation in the class struggle is presented
as a requirement of charity itself. The desire to love everyone
here and now, despite his class, and to go out to meet him with
the non-violent means of dialogue and persuasion, is denounced as
counterproductive and opposed to love.
If one holds that a person should not be the object of hate,
it is claimed nevertheless that, if he belongs to the objective
class of the rich, he is primarily a class enemy to be fought.
Thus the universality of love of neighbor and brotherhood become
an eschatological principle, which will only have meaning for the
"new man", who arises out of the victorious revolution.
8. As far as the Church is concerned, this system would see her
only as a reality interior to history, herself subject to those
laws which are supposed to govern the development of history in
its immanence. The Church, the gift of God and mystery of faith,
is emptied of any specific reality by this reductionism. At the
same time, it is disputed that the participation of Christians
who belong to opposing classes at the same Eucharistic Table
still makes any sense.
9. In its positive meaning the Church of the poor signifies
the preference given to the poor, without exclusion, whatever the
form of their poverty, because they are preferred by God. The
expression also refers to the Church of our time, as communion
and institution and on the part of her members, becoming more
fully conscious of the requirement of evangelical poverty.
10. But the "theologies of liberation", which reserve credit for
restoring to a place of honor the great texts of the prophets and
of the Gospel in defense of the poor, go on to a disastrous
confusion between the poor of the Scripture and the
proletariat of Marx. In this way they pervert the Christian
meaning of the poor, and they transform the fight for the rights
of the poor into a class fight within the ideological
perspective of the class struggle. For them the Church of the
poor signifies the Church of the class which has become aware of
the requirements of the revolutionary struggle as a step toward
liberation and which celebrates this liberation in its liturgy.
11. A further remark regarding the expression, Church of the
People, will not be out of place here. From the pastoral point
of view, this expression might mean the favored recipients of
evangelization to whom, because of their condition, the Church
extends her pastoral love first of all. One might also refer to
the Church as people of God, that is, people of the New Covenant
established in Christ. [24]
12. But the "theologies of liberation" of which we are speaking,
mean by Church of the People a Church of the class, a Church of
the oppressed people whom it is necessary to "conscientize" in
the light of the organized struggle for freedom. For some, the
people, thus understood,even become the object of faith.
13. Building on such a conception of the Church of the People, a
critique of the very structures of the Church is developed. It
is not simply the case of fraternal correction of pastors of the
Church whose behavior does not reflect the evangelical spirit of
service and is linked to old-fashioned signs of authority which
scandalize the poor. It has to do with a challenge to the
sacramental and hierarchical structure of the Church, which was
willed by the Lord Himself. There is a denunciation of members
of the hierarchy and the magisterium as objective representatives
of the ruling class which has to be opposed. Theologically,
this position means that ministers take their origin from the
people who therefore designate ministers of their own choice in
accord with the needs of their historic revolutionary mission.
X. A NEW HERMENEUTIC 1. The partisan conception of truth, which can be seen in the
revolutionary praxis of the class, corroborates this position.
Theologians who do not share the theses of the "theology of
liberation", the hierarchy, and especially the Roman Magisterium
are thus discredited in advance as belonging to the class of the
oppressors. Their theology is a theology of class. Arguments
and teachings thus do not have to be examined in themselves since
they are only reflections of class interests. Thus, the
instruction of others is decreed to be, in principle, false.
2. Here is where the global and all-embracing character of the
theology of liberation appears. As a result, it must be
criticized not just on the basis of this or that affirmation, but
on the basis of its classist viewpoint, which it has adopted a
priori, and which has come to function in it as a determining
principle.
3. Because of this classist presupposition, it becomes very
difficult, not to say impossible, to engage in a real dialogue
with some "theologians of liberation" in such a way that the
other participant is listened to, and his arguments are discussed
with objectivity and attention. For these theologians start out
with the idea, more or less consciously, that the viewpoint of
the oppressed and revolutionary class, which is their own, is the
single true point of view. Theological criteria for truth are
thus relativized and subordinated to the imperatives of the class
struggle. In this perspective, orthodoxy or the right rule of
faith, is substituted by the notion of orthopraxy as the
criterion of the truth. In this connection it is important not
to confuse practical orientation, which is proper to traditional
theology in the same way that speculative orientation is, with
the recognized and privileged priority given to a certain type of
praxis. For them, this praxis is the revolutionary 4. For the "theologies of liberation" however, the social
doctrine of the Church is rejected with disdain. It is said that
it comes from the illusion of a possible compromise, typical of
the middle class which has no historic destiny.
5. The new hermeneutic inherent in the "theologies of
liberation" leads to an essentially political re-reading of the
Scriptures. Thus, a major importance is given to the Exodus
event inasmuch as it is a liberation from political servitude.
Likewise, a political reading of the "Magnificat" is proposed.
The mistake here is not in bringing attention to a political
dimension of the readings of Scripture, but in making of this one
dimension the principal or exclusive component. This leads to a
reductionist reading of the Bible.
6. Likewise, one places oneself within the perspective of a
temporal messianism, which is one of the most radical of the
expressions of secularization of the Kingdom of God and of its
absorption into the immanence of human history.
7. In giving such priority to the political dimension, one is
led to deny the radical newness of the New Testament and above
all to misunderstand the person of Our Lord Jesus Christ, true
God and true man, and thus the specific character of the
salvation he gave us, that is above all liberation from sin,
which is the source of all evils.
8. Moreover in setting aside the authoritative interpretation of
the Church, denounced as classist, one is at the same time
departing from tradition. In that way, one is robbed of an
essential theological criterion of interpretation, and in the
vacuum thus created, one welcomes the most radical theses of
rationalist exegesis. Without a critical eye, one returns to the
opposition of the "Jesus of history" versus the "Jesus of faith."
9. Of course the creeds of the faith are literally preserved,
especially the Chalcedonian creed, but a new meaning is given to
them which is a negation of the faith of the Church. On one
hand, the Christological doctrine of Tradition is rejected in the
name of class; on the other hand, one claims to meet again the
"Jesus of history" coming from the revolutionary experience of
the struggle of the poor for their liberation.
10. One claims to be reliving an experience similar to that of
Jesus. The experience of the poor struggling for their
liberation, which was Jesus' experience, would thus reveal, and
it alone, the knowledge of the true God and the Kingdom.
11. Faith in the Incarnate Word, dead and risen for all men, and
whom "God made Lord and Christ" [25] is denied. In its place is
substituted a figure of Jesus who is a kind of symbol who sums up
in Himself the requirements of the struggle of the oppressed.
12. An exclusively political interpretation is thus given to the
death of Christ. In this way, its value for salvation and the
whole economy of redemption is denied.
13. This new interpretation thus touches the whole of the
Christian mystery.
14. In a general way, this brings about what can be an inversion
of symbols. Thus, instead of seeing, with St. Paul, a figure of
baptism in the Exodus, [26] some end up making of it a symbol of
the political liberation of the people.
15. When the same hermeneutical criterion is applied to the life
and to the hierarchical constitution of the Church, the
relationship between the hierarchy and the "base" becomes the
relationship of obedient domination to the law of the struggle of
the classes. Sacramentality, which is at the root of the
ecclesial ministries and which makes of the Church a spiritual
reality which cannot be reduced to a purely sociological
analysis, is quite simply ignored.
16. This inversion of symbols is likewise verified in the area of
the sacraments. The Eucharist is no longer to be understood as
the real sacramental presence of the reconciling sacrifice, and
as the gift of the Body and Blood of Christ. It becomes a
celebration of the people in their struggle. As a consequence,
the unity of the Church is radically denied. Unity,
reconciliation, and communion in love are no longer seen as a
gift we receive from Christ. [27] It is the historical class of
the poor who by means of their struggle will build unity. For
them, the struggle of the classes is the way to unity. The
Eucharist thus becomes the Eucharist of the class. At the same
time, they deny the triumphant force of the love of God which has
been given to us.
XI. ORIENTATIONS 1. The warning against the serious deviations of some
"theologies of liberation" must not be taken as some kind of
approval, even indirect, of those who keep the poor in misery,
who profit from that misery, who notice it while doing nothing
about it, or who remain indifferent to it. The Church, guided by
the Gospel of mercy and by the love for mankind, hears the cry
for justice [28] and intends to respond to it with all her might.
2. Thus a great call goes out to all the Church: with boldness
and courage, with far-sightedness and prudence, with zeal and
strength of spirit, with a love for the poor which demands
sacrifice, pastors will consider the response to this call a
matter of the highest priority, as many already do.
3. All priests, religious, and lay people who hear this call for
justice and who want to work for evangelization and the
advancement of mankind, will do so in communion with their
bishop and with the Church, each in accord with his or her own
specific ecclesial vocation.
4. Aware of the ecclesial character of their vocation,
theologians will collaborate loyally and with a spirit of
dialogue with the Magisterium of the Church. They will be able
to recognize in the Magisterium a gift of Christ to His Church
[29] and will welcome its word and its directives with filial
respect.
5. It is only when one begins with the task of evangelization
understood in its entirety that the authentic requirements of
human progress and liberation are appreciated. This liberation
has as its indispensable pillars: the truth about Jesus the
Savior; the truth about the Church; and 6. An effective defense of justice needs to be based on the
truth of mankind, created in the image of God and called to the
grace of divine sonship. The recognition of the true
relationship of human beings to God constitutes the foundation of
justice to the extent that it rules the relationships between
people. That is why the fight for the rights of man, which the
Church does not cease to affirm, constitutes the authentic fight
for justice.
7. The truth of mankind requires that this battle be fought in
ways consistent with human dignity. That is why the systematic
and deliberate recourse to blind violence, no matter from which
side it comes, must be condemned. [32] To put one's trust in
violent means in the hope of restoring more justice is to become
the victim of a fatal illusion: violence begets violence and
degrades man. It mocks the dignity of man in the person of the
victims and it debases that same dignity among those who practice
it.
8. The acute need for radical reforms of the structures which
conceal poverty and which are themselves forms of violence,
should not let us lose sight of the fact that the source of
injustice is in the hearts of men. Therefore it is only by
making an appeal to the moral potential of the person and to
the constant need for interior conversion, that social change
will be brought about which will be truly in the service of man.
[33] For it will only be in the measure that they collaborate
freely in these necessary changes through their own initiative
and in solidarity, that people, awakened to a sense of their
responsibility, will grow in humanity.
The inversion of morality and structures is steeped in a
materialist anthropology which is incompatible with the dignity
of mankind.
9. It is therefore an equally fatal illusion to believe that
these structures will of themselves give birth to a "new man" in
the sense of the truth of man. The Christian cannot forget that
it is only the Holy Spirit who has been given to us Who is the
source of every true renewal and that God is the Lord of History.
10. By the same token, the overthrow by means of revolutionary
violence of structures which generate violence is not ipso facto
the beginning of a just regime. A major fact of our time ought
to evoke the reflection of all those who would sincerely work for
the true liberation of their brothers: millions of our own
contemporaries legitimately yearn to recover those basic freedoms
of which they were deprived by totalitarian and atheistic regimes
which came to power by violent and revolutionary means, precisely
in the name of the liberation of the people. This shame of our
time cannot be ignored: while claiming to bring them freedom,
these regimes keep whole nations in conditions of servitude which
are unworthy of mankind. Those who, perhaps inadvertently, make
themselves accomplices of similar enslavements betray the very
poor they mean to help.
11. The class struggle as a road toward a classless society is a
myth which slows reform and aggravates poverty and injustice.
Those who allow themselves to be caught up in fascination with
this myth should reflect on the bitter examples history has to
offer about where it leads. They would then understand that we
are not talking here about abandoning an effective means of
struggle on behalf of the poor for an ideal which has no
practical effects. On the contrary, we are talking about freeing
oneself from a delusion in order to base oneself squarely on the
Gospel and its power of realization.
12. One of the conditions for necessary theological correction is
giving proper value to the social meaning of the Church. This
teaching is by no means closed. It is, on the contrary, open to
all the new questions which are so numerous today. In this
perspective, the contribution of theologians and other thinkers
in all parts of the world to the reflection of the Church is
indispensable today.
13. Likewise the experience of those who work directly for
evangelization and for the advancement of the poor and the
oppressed is necessary for the doctrinal and pastoral reflection
of the Church. In this sense, it is necessary to affirm that one
becomes more aware of certain aspects of truth by starting with
praxis, if by that one means pastoral 14. The teaching of the Church on social issues indicates the
main lines of ethical orientation. But in order that it be able
to guide action directly, the Church needs competent people from
a scientific and technological viewpoint, as well as in the human
and political sciences. Pastors should be attentive to the
formation of persons of such capability who live the Gospel
deeply. Lay persons, whose proper mission is to build society,
are involved here to the highest degree.
15. The theses of the "theologies of liberation" are widely
popularized under a simplified form, in formation sessions or in
what are called "base groups" which lack the necessary
catechetical and theological preparation as well as the capacity
for discernment. Thus these theses are accepted by generous men
and women without any critical judgment being made.
16. That is why pastors must look after the quality and the
content of catechesis and formation which should always present
the whole message of salvation and the imperatives of true
liberation within the framework of this whole message.
17. In this full presentation of Christianity, it is proper to
emphasize those essential aspects which the "theologies of
liberation" especially tend to misunderstand or to eliminate,
namely: God and true man; the sovereignty of grace; and the
true nature of the means of salvation, especially of the Church
and the sacraments. One should also keep in mind the true
meaning of ethics in which the distinction between good and evil
is not relativized, the real meaning of sin, the necessity for
conversion, and the universality of the law of fraternal love.
One needs to be on guard against the politicization of
existence which, misunderstanding the entire meaning of the
Kingdom of God and the transcendence of the person, begins to
sacralize politics and betray the religion of the people in favor
of the projects of the revolution.
18. The defenders of orthodoxy are sometimes accused of
passivity, indulgence, or culpable complicity regarding the
intolerable situations of injustice and the political regimes
which prolong them. Spiritual conversion, the intensity of the
love of God and neighbor, zeal for justice and peace, the Gospel
meaning of the poor and of poverty, are required of everyone, and
especially of pastors and those in positions of responsibility.
The concern for the purity of the faith demands giving the answer
of effective witness in the service of one's neighbor, the poor
and the oppressed in particular, in an integral theological
fashion. By the witness of their dynamic and constructive power
to love, Christians will thus lay the foundations of this
"civilization of love" of which the Conference of Puebla spoke,
following Paul VI. [34] Moreover there are already many
priests, religious, and lay people who are consecrated in a truly
evangelical way for the creation of a just society.
CONCLUSION The words of Paul VI in his "Profession of Faith", express
with full clarity the faith of the Church, from which one cannot
deviate without provoking, besides spiritual disaser, new
miseries and new types of slavery.
"We profess our faith that the Kingdom of God, begun here
below in the Church of Christ, is not of this world, whose form
is passing away, and that its own growth cannot be confused with
the progress of civilization, of science, and of human
technology, but that it consists in knowing ever more deeply the
unfathomable riches of Christ, to hope ever more strongly in
things eternal, to respond ever more ardently to the love of God,
to spread ever more widely grace and holiness among men. But it
is this very same love which makes the Church constantly
concerned for the true temporal good of mankind as well. Never
ceasing to recall to her children that they have no lasting
dwelling here on earth, she urges them also to contribute, each
according to his own vocation and means, to the welfare of their
earthly city, to promote justice, peace and brotherhood among
men, to lavish their assistance on their brothers, especially on
the poor and the most dispirited. The intense concern of the
Church, the bride of Christ, for the needs of mankind, their joys
and their hopes, their pains and their struggles, is nothing
other than the graet desire to be present to them in order to
enlighten them with the light of Christ, and join them all to
Him, their only Savior. It can never mean that the Church is
conforming to the things of this world, nor that she is lessening
the earnestness with which she awaits her Lord and the eternal
Kingdom." [35]
This instruction was adopted at an Ordinary Meeting of the Sacred Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith and was approved at an audience granted to the undersigned Cardinal Prefect by his Holiness Pope John Paul II, who ordered its publication.
Given at Rome, at the Sacred Congregation for the Doctrine of
the Faith, on August 6, 1984, the Feast of the Transfiguration of
Our Lord.
Joseph Cardinal Ratzinger
Alberto Bovone
Footnotes
1. Cf. "Gaudium et Spes" n. 4.
Transcribed by Bob Van Cleef
Vatican Translation
Prefect
Titular Archbishop of Caesarea in Numidia
Secretary
2. "Dei Verbum", n. 10.
3. Cf. Galatians 5, 1 ff.
4. Cf. Exodus 24.
5. Cf. Jeremiah 31, 31-34; Ezekiel 36, 26 ff.
6. Cf. Zebediah 3, 12 ff.
7. Cf. Deuteronomy 10, 18-19.
8. Cf. Leviticus 10, 25-37.
9. 2 Corinthians 8, 9.
10. Matthew 25, 31-46; Acts 9, 4-5; Colossians 1, 24.
11. Jeremiah 5, ff.
12. Cf. 1 Corinthians 11, 17-34.
13. Cf. Jeremiah 2, 14-26.
14. Cf. AAS 71 (1979) pp. 1144-1160.
15. Cf. AAS 71 (1979) p. 196.
16. Cf. "Evangelii nuntiandi", n. 25-33, AAS 68 (1976) pp. 23-28.
17. Cf. "Evangelii nuntiandi", n. 32, AAS 68 (1976) p. 27.
18. Cf. AAS 71 (1979) pp. 188-196.
19. Cf. "Gaudium et Spes", n. 39; Pius XI, "Quadragesimo Anno":
AAS 23 (1931) p. 207.
20. Cf. n. 1134-1165 and n. 1166-1205.
21. Doc. de Puebla, IV, 2.
22. Paul VI, "Octogesima Adveniens", n.34 AAS 63 (1971) pp. 424-
425.
23. "Lumen gentium", n.9-17.
24. Cf. "Gaudium et Spes", n.39.
25. Cf. Acts 2, 36.
26. Cf. 1 Corinthians 10, 1-2.
27. Cf. Ephesians 2, 11-22.
28. Cf. Doc. de Puebla, I, II, 3, 3.
29. Cf. Luke 10, 16.
30. Cf. JOHN PAUL II, "Address at the Opening of the Conference
at Puebla", AAS 71 (1979) pp. 188-196; Doc. de Puebla II
P,c,1.
31. Cf. JOHN PAUL II, "Address to the Favela 'Vidigal' At Rio de
Janeiro", 2 July 1980, AAS 72 (1980) pp.852-858.
32. Doc. de Puebla, II, c.II, 5, 4.
33. Cf. Doc. de Puebla,IV, c.3. 3. 1.
34. Cf. Doc. de Puebla, IV, II, 2, 3.
35. PAUL VI, "Profession of Faith of the People of God", 30 June
1968, AAS 60 (1968) pp.443-444.